John Munro, ‘Interwoven Colonial Histories: Indigenous Agency and Academic Historiography in North America’, Canadian Review of American Studies (online 15 October 2014).

Inspired by a recent call for greater integration between histories of capitalism and of Indigenous peoples in the United States, I argue that scholars across American studies should take stock of the ways in which Indigenous history pertains to fields beyond economic history. This article emphasizes Indigenous agency and activism to historicize how Aboriginal history has become (somewhat) more prominent in American studies. In reviewing some of the literature that has helped bring about this still incomplete shift, I look at developments in the settler states of the United States and Canada in order to highlight their shared colonial structures.

Inspiré par un appel récent pour une plus grande intégration entre les histoires du capitalisme et les peuples indigènes des États-Unis, je fais valoir que les universitaires dont les travaux portent sur les études américaines devraient tenir compte que l’histoire indigène s’articule parfois dans des domaines autres que l’histoire économique. Le présent article souligne le pouvoir d’agir et l’activisme des indigènes afin d’historiser la façon dont l’histoire aborigène est devenue (en quelque sorte) encore plus importante dans les études américaines. En examinant des documents qui ont permis d’entraîner cette mouvance encore incomplète, je porte une attention particulière aux développements des états colonisateurs des États-Unis et du Canada, afin de souligner les structures coloniales partagées.


Paul Spoonley, ‘New diversity, old anxieties in New Zealand: the complex identity politics and engagement of a settler society’, Ethnic and Racial Studies (Published online: 19 Nov 2014).

Superdiversity signals the common experience in many countries and cities of the enhanced levels of diversity that are associated with contemporary immigration, yet there are a range of permutations and possibilities. One example of superdiversity – that of a particular group of settler societies represented by New Zealand – is explored, as the colonization of indigenous peoples has occurred alongside a nation-building project that centres on mass immigration, and which in turn has been layered by a more recent immigrant recruitment project that ostensibly values immigrants for the skills that they contribute to economic development. Since the 1970s, there have been limited but still important concessions made in terms of diversity recognition and group rights. This article explores the nature of this settler society superdiversity and its politics.


Gardner Seawright, ‘Settler Traditions of Place: Making Explicit the Epistemological Legacy of White Supremacy and Settler Colonialism for Place-Based Education’, Educational Studies: A Journal of the American Educational Studies Association 50, 6 (2014).

With the rise of place-based models of education, credence needs to be given to epistemological traditions that curate individual understandings of and relations to the social world (i.e., places). The epistemological traditions that have been shared across generations of North American settler colonialists are at the center of this article. The dominant epistemology of settler society provides racialized, anthropocentric, and capitalistic understandings of places. Relations to place are cultivated through particular conceptions of nature, private property, and personhood, which remain at the epistemic foundation of Western society. These conceptions are concomitant to modes of domination like white supremacy and settler colonialism, and ultimately constitute an ideal white male settler actor. This article suggests that place-based education carries the potential to offer epistemic resistance to domination, but first needs to engage in a more comprehensive understanding of settler traditions of place.


Michael Brull, ‘A Tale of Two Settler Colonies’, Overland 217 (2014).

That Australia is a settler colony is uncontroversial. For progressives, Australia’s settler past leads to two understandings: first, they understand why Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples resisted colonisation; second, even if they regard Australia as a wonderful place today, they understand that First Nation Peoples harbour feelings of resentment. The chant ‘Always was, always will be, Aboriginal land’ might make some uncomfortable, but for the most part progressives do not respond with self-righteous horror, nor allege anti-white bigotry. Aboriginal intellectuals who talk about sovereignty might be marginalised, but it’s not difficult to grasp the logic of their position.

If one accepts that Israel is a settler colony – and there are strong arguments for this position – then there are certain understandings that should follow. Progressives should understand, for instance, why Palestinian people opposed the colonisation of their land. This should, in turn, help them understand the ongoing conflict, specifically that Palestinian resistance is not exclusively driven by Islamism or anti-Semitism, but rather motivated in large part by anger at dispossession.


‘Land, children and politics: Native Americans and Australian Aborigines 1900–1930′, Journal of Australian Studies 38, 4 (2014).

In this publication to honour Professor Ann Curthoys this article considers the comparative aspects of Native American and Australian Aboriginal political activism in the time period 1900–1930. Central to the study is the importance of revealing the missing chapters of Indigenous political history in both the countries during these important and largely overlooked decades. The approach undertaken is restorative history and privileges the tools of historical narrative (story). The current study places the significance and impact of Indigenous campaigners at the forefront of an awakening awareness of the shared political and racial challenges confronting Indigenous people in the USA and Australia. There were many similar issues confronting both the Indigenous groups. These included the pressures applied on Indigenous land and its resources and the removal of Indigenous children from their families. The article highlights the tactics and voices of Indigenous opposition in fighting courageously for their rights and people.


‘Tokenism or belated recognition? Welcome to Country and the emergence of Indigenous protocol in Australia, 1991–2014′, Journal of Australian Studies 38, 4 (2014).

This article addresses the largely neglected history of the widespread acceptance of Indigenous protocol across Australia since 1991. Welcome to Country and Acknowledgement of Country ceremonies are now established as permanent features in Australia’s cultural landscape. For the first time, the article seeks to explain the origins, development and historical significance of Indigenous protocol. In particular, it explores the Indigenous perspective. It explains how the protocols emerged largely due to the initiatives of the Council for Aboriginal Reconciliation (1991) and Reconciliation Australia (2000) and argues that they constitute the infiltration of a radically different understanding of both history and place in Australia.


Settler Colonial Studies, Vol. 5, No. 1 (2015) 

is now available on Taylor & Francis Online. 

articles

Robert L. Nelson, ‘A German on the Prairies: Max Sering and settler colonialism in Canada’

Michael McCrossan, ‘Contaminating and collapsing Indigenous space: judicial narratives of Canadian territoriality’

Robert K. Hitchcock, Maria Sapignoli & Wayne A. Babchuk, ‘Settler colonialism, conflicts, and genocide: interactions between hunter-gatherers and settlers in Kenya, and Zimbabwe and northern Botswana’

Emily Lewsen, ‘Reeled in: the settlement project and the evacuation of an Israeli fishing village from Gaza’

Arnon Yehuda Degani, ‘The decline and fall of the Israeli Military Government, 1948–1966: a case of settler-colonial consolidation?’

document

Jana-Rae Yerxa, ‘Refuse to live quietly!’

reviews

Adam J. Barker, ‘The third space of sovereignty: the postcolonial politics of U.S.-Indigenous relations’

Adam Carmichael, ‘Hunger, horses, and government men: criminal law on the aboriginal plains, 1870-1905′


The tribe went before a panel of the 10th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals during a special hearing at the University of New Mexico law school in hopes of keeping alive its lawsuit against the federal government. The question is whether the tribe still holds aboriginal title to the land.

Karl Johnson, an attorney representing the pueblo, outlined for the court how Spanish land-grant heirs came to hold title to the land following a swap more than 150 years ago. The federal government then purchased the property in 2000 with the goal of operating it as a working ranch while developing recreational opportunities for the public.

Susan Montoya Bryan, ‘Federal appeals court to decide Jemez Pueblo land claim’, for Associated Press


Affrica Taylor, ‘Settler Children, Kangaroos and the Cultural Politics of Australian National Belonging’, Global Studies of Childhood 4, 3 (2014). 

This article reflects upon the ways in which white settler children and kangaroos were enlisted into the cultural politics of nation-building and belonging in the early days of Australian Federation. It revisits Ethel Pedley’s turn-of-the-century children’s book, Dot and the Kangaroo, and contextualises it within some of the notable kangaroo/settler events within Australia’s colonial history. It draws attention to the paradoxes inherent in the symbolic association of settler children with native Australian animals in the emerging national imaginary. The article brings early Australian children’s literature into conversation with settler colonial critique and the ‘animal turn’.


Adam J. Barker, ‘A Direct Act of Resurgence, a Direct Act of Sovereignty’: Reflections on Idle No More, Indigenous Activism, and Canadian Settler Colonialism’, Globalizations (Published online: 27 Oct 2014).

In the winter of 2012, the Canadian political scene was shaken by the emergence of ‘Idle No More’, a collection of protests directed by and largely comprised of Indigenous peoples. Originally, a response to a variety of legislation that was being passed through the Canadian government at the time, Idle No More spread across the country and around the world. In this paper, I argue that, drawing from Indigenous nationhood movements that extend back through five centuries, Idle No More represents a renewed assertion of Indigenous sovereignty in opposition to settler colonisation. Through transgressive actions, Idle No More has brought online activism into alignment with embodied defences of land and place, challenging Canadian sovereignty and Settler identity in multiple and creative ways. However, settler colonial tendencies in Canadian politics have sought to reinscribe Idle No More within established, generic political binaries. This paper positions Idle No More as a ‘movement moment’ that reveals significant insights about Indigenous activism, conservative politics, leftist resistance, and persistent settler colonialism in Canada.




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